Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s three-nation tour has been
significant, with a rich haul of agreements signed, understandings reached, and
diverse constituencies touched. By RAJIV BHATIA
PRIME
MINISTER NARENDRA MODI’S THREE-nation, nine-day tour (April 9-16) brought
remarkable glimpses of Paris, Berlin, Ottawa and several other Western cities
into millions of homes in India and around the world. It was an opportunity for
the country to see how its government was projecting India in advanced
democracies and an occasion for those developed economies to judge for
themselves the potential and future trajectory of the world’s largest
democracy.
The
subtle shift in the portrayal of the Indian economy from a slow-moving elephant
to a powerful lion on the prowl (remember the logo of the “Make in India”
campaign) is significant. While speaking at the inauguration of the Hannover Fair,
Modi thanked the host for “allowing us to unleash our lions in the city”. Media
reports on Modi’s tour seemed to highlight defence, the economy and the
diaspora as its defining facets respectively in France, Germany and Canada.
But, contemporary India practises a multilayered diplomacy that addresses the
concerns of various constituencies, ranging from the political to the
strategic, business to cultural, and the elite to the common people.
Referring
to the big picture, Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankar observed that the visit’s
overarching theme was to deepen cooperation with key members of the G7, the
grouping of the world’s most prosperous democracies. They are “relevant” to India’s
development programmes and enjoy “political convergence” with it. With the
government having already invested much in advancing India’s neighbourhood and
“Act East” policy and the relationships with the United States, Russia and China,
it was time to focus on other power centres in today’s multipolar world.
France
For
long, post-War Europe was managed through a close alliance between France and
Germany, but of late, the power balance seems to have tilted in Germany’s
favour. Yet, the critical synergy between the impulses and interests of France
and India remains unchanged. The strategic partnership, established in 1988,
has witnessed significant progress. The importance France attaches to its
relations with India was reflected in President Francois Hollande’s visit in
2013 and the visit of Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius in mid-2014. Modi’s visit
helped showcase and strengthen the multifaceted partnership.
This
visit resulted in the signing of 20 memorandums of understanding (MoUs) and
agreements. Two issues that had become quite intractable were tackled head-on
and resolved, at least partially. For years, the two sides strove to find a way
to finalise the deal for the Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA).
Agreement on pricing and indigenisation of the aircraft’s production in India
had proved elusive. Against this backdrop, an understanding was reached at the
government level for the purchase of 36 Rafale fighter planes in “a fly-away
condition as quickly as possible”. This arrangement has apparently been made on
“better terms” than were offered before. New Delhi has faced some flak for
compromising on its “Make in India” policy, but defence experts have justified
the agreement as being essential to meet the urgent needs of the
Indian
Air Force.
The
second issue concerns the setting up of four nuclear power reactors in
Jaitapur, Maharashtra. After years of protracted negotiations following the
framework agreement of December 2010, the companies concerned—Nuclear Power
Corporation of India Limited and Areva, and Larsen & Toubro and
Areva—reached agreements during Modi’s visit, which should pave the way for the
project. How much time will be needed to commission the reactors remains
unclear. Paris and New Delhi are close partners in the battle against
terrorism. In the light of the terrorist attacks on the French weekly Charlie
Hebdo in January 2015 and the release, in Pakistan, of the mastermind of
the 2008 Mumbai terror attacks, the two governments articulated their identical
approach to counterterrorism.
In a
42-paragaph joint statement, the two governments “reaffirmed” their commitment
to the strategic partnership and announced their intention to “consult and
support each other”. They spoke of “their independence and strategic autonomy” and
stressed that they were committed to continuing their joint efforts to tackle
“global challenges”. France voiced its support for India’s candidature for a
permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council “without further delay”.
They also agreed to commence bilateral dialogue to develop “ways and means of
their cooperation in the maritime domain”,
especially in the Indian Ocean region.
Significantly,
India has welcomed “closer engagement” of France in the affairs of the Indian
Ocean Rim Association. The document also spells out the governments’ plans to
deepen mutual cooperation in diverse areas: climate change, smart cities,
security, space, nuclear energy, the economy, people-to-people contacts,
heritage and culture, education, science and technology, sports and health.
France would provide a credit line of €1 billion over the next three years for
sustainable infrastructure and urban development projects. Agreement was also reached
on working together to upgrade the Delhi-Chandigarh railway line to a 200 kmph
line and to redevelop Ambala and Ludhiana railway stations.
Germany
At
several public appearances and interactions with German business and industry,
Modi made a powerful pitch for India as an ideal investment destination.
Stressing that there was a natural fit between Germany’s capabilities and India’s
needs and expectations, he repeatedly plugged for “a strong partnership between
the king of the earth, the lion, and the king of the skies, the eagle”.
India
and Germany have been bound together by a strategic partnership since 2001.
Heads of state/government have exchanged visits regularly, the last visit being
of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to Germany in 2013 and of German President
Joachim Gauck to India in 2014. Germany is India’s largest trading partner in
Europe and the second most important partner in terms of technological
collaborations. Bilateral trade was worth over €16 billion in 2013. As an important
development cooperation partner and as a country with a long tradition of cultural
and academic exchanges, Germany has consistently shown high interest in
nurturing its relations with India.
Modi’s
visit to Germany concluded with a joint statement, issued in the name of “the
Prime Minister of India and the Federal Chancellor of Germany”. They spoke of a
common objective to encourage “synergies” between German expertise and new opportunities
available in India. “Our strategic partnership is entering a new and more intensive
phase,” they noted and agreed on a 10-point list of collaborations in specified
areas. Further, they committed themselves to renew their efforts to hold
negotiations for “an ambitious” free trade agreement between India and the
European Union (E.U.). The two governments would now prepare for the third
round of intergovernmental consultations, due to take place during Chancellor
Angela Merkel’s visit in October.
Canada
The
decision to add Canada to the Prime Minister’s itinerary, which in the normal
course would have instead included London and Brussels, was innovative. It
reflected Modi’s expanding world view. Significantly, he portrayed Canada as “a
major Asia-Pacific power” and depicted India-Canada relations as “a natural
partnership of shared values”, “an economic partnership of immense mutual
benefit”, and “a strategic partnership” that should address “global
challenges”. Prime Minister Stephen Harper conveyed, through special gestures
such as his decision to travel on Modi’s special aircraft to Toronto
and Vancouver, that Canada accorded high importance to its ties with India and
to the growing clout of the 1.2- million-strong Indian community in Canada. A
senior Canadian diplomat in New Delhi to whom this author spoke referred to
Modi’s “rock star status” in North America, stressing that Canada had to wait
for 42 years for a stand-alone visit by an Indian Prime Minister.
The
visit’s immediate achievements included the signing of the agreement on
long-term supply of uranium to India and 13 agreements on skill development.
There are indications that the Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement may
be signed by September. The failure to sign a bilateral investment promotion
and protection agreement, however, was “a marked disappointment”. Writing in The
Globe and Mail, David Malone, a former Canadian High Commissioner to India,
advised Canada to play “the long game” in order “to court India”. He noted:
“Canadian capital could help new India’s economic expansion.” Canadians were
urged to engage more meaningfully with India.
Glaring
omission
A
glaring omission in Modi’s Europe tour was the absence of interaction with the
E.U. leadership. The fault seems to lie with Brussels, which failed to accommodate
New Delhi on the proposed dates. Even so, South Block could have fitted in at
least a brief, symbolic visit to the European Parliament or the E.U. Commission
to show its respect for the 28 nation grouping. The E.U. may be inward-looking
at present, but its significance for India cannot be ignored. Joao Cravinho,
E.U. envoy in Delhi, stated that the E.U. could be the biggest source of
advanced technology to India and the No. 1 platform to get the country integrated
into the global economic chain. Both sides now need to work earnestly to
organise the next, much-delayed India- E.U. summit soon.
Modi’s
visit has been rich in the haul of agreements signed, understandings reached,
diverse constituencies touched, and personal equations made. The image of India
as a nation heading towards a positive transformation has been given a big boost.
Let us ensure that there is no disconnect between image and reality in the
future.
Rajiv Bhatia is director general of the Indian Council of World
Affairs. The views expressed here are personal.
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